Volume 90, 2015

Herodotus records that prior to the foundation of Cyrene, Greek settlers first claimed the island Plateia, and later settled at Aziris on the Libyan mainland. The exact locations of these sites are uncertain. In this paper the available archaeological, geological, and literary evidence is reappraised and used to contextualize Herodotus’ narrative. Through this contextualization the most likely location of Aziris becomes apparent, as well as the pivotal role of this site in the development of Greek settlement in Libya.

This article examines over 50 inscribed bronze hydriai and considers the functions that vessels of this type served beyond water-related tasks. The inscriptions attest to usage as prizes for athletic contests, votive offerings, gifts exchanged, treasured possessions, and farewells to the deceased. A few may record their weights. Literary references, artistic representations, and inscriptions referring to the vessels are considered alongside the evidence from the inscribed vessels themselves, as well as key archaeological circumstances. The study results in a fuller understanding of the central role of the bronze hydria in ancient Greece, serving men and women in life as well as in death.

The paper examines an Attic red-figured stamnos in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale of Siena, acquired along with the Emilio Bonci Casuccini Collection, which consists of finds from Chiusi. The iconography shows some young women picking apples: the gesture can be connected to wedding rituals, but it may also contain allusive meanings. The vase can be attributed to the Copenhagen Painter, an artisan of Syrian origin working in the Athenian Kerameikos between the first and the second quarter of the 5th century BC. Lastly, the paper examines the vase provenance inserting the stamnos in the stream of Attic pottery that reached Chiusi and its countryside.

This paper focuses on amphora production in Punic Sicily between the 4th and the 3rd century BC. On the basis of provenance studies on about 320 ceramic samples, the morphological repertoires of the Punic cities of Solus, Panormos, Lilybaion and Selinus have been identified. The amphorae documentation gives evidence for both a significant difference between the north-western and the south-western production circle and a general, typological change in all the series towards the very late 4th century BC. Specifically, the present study tries to place these latter archaeological evidences in the historical frame of Sicily during the period of Agathocles.

The western Insula Episcopalis of Naples is an archaeological site of great value in order to reconstruct the history of Neapolis. The first phase of construction is a large orthostatic wall with a drainage channel dating to the 4th century BC. Later the wall suffered a collapse, but we don’t know exactly when it happened. In the first half of the 1st century AD (probably in the first quarter of the century), when Naples became a municipium, a thermal bath was built above the wall. At the end of the 3rd-4th century AD a wall in opus vittatum was built in the south-east corner of the bath and the Aurelius Eutycianus’ leaden fistula was placed at the same point, recording the transformation of the original character of the thermae. Finally, the orthostatic wall and the bath were completely obliterated by the early Christian buildings, the Basilica of Santa Restituta and the Baptistery of San Giovanni in Fonte.

Luci in Italy are mentioned in ancient literary sources and inscriptions. Usually they were sub- or extra-urban, poly-functional, sometimes even multi-functional sacred places. After an initial stage of being a sacred glade, clearing or grove where votive gifts could be deposited, a lucus could be monumentalized by the addition of altars, statue bases, votive cippi and temples. Some luci were used as secret meeting places by Latin leagues for preparing their defense against Rome in the sixth, 5th and 4th centuries BC. This paper investigates the effects of Rome’s conquest of Italy on the development of luci.

Augustus’ early representation policy mainly refers to two major successes of the Princeps: The naval victory of Actium and the recuperation of the standards lost to the Parthians. Ancient authors and coinage tell us that Augustus was honored for these achievements with two triumphal arches. However, today only the footings for one arch located at the eastern side of the Forum Romanum are known. The absence of remains of a second arch raised doubt to its existence. The discovery of the Fasti Capitolini near the footings led to the conclusion that this famous inscription was part of the arch. This article discusses the written, numismatic and archeological evidences as well as the recent research on both, the arches and the Fasti. Referring to these sources the eastern side of the Forum Romanum can be explained as an architectural propaganda ensemble, solving the discrepancies between the different kinds of sources.

In this paper the reliefs that decorate the four sides of the altar from the vicus Sandaliarius, housed in the Uffizi and that may be dated to 2 BC, are described in detail. Although the more or less conventional images of the secondary reliefs recall the honours bestowed by the Senate on Octavianus in 27 BC (clipeus virtutis, corona civica, laurei postes) and the diffusion of the Lares Augusti cult in the urban compita (12 BC), the main side, which shows the Princeps as an augur in the centre, is of particular interest from the historical-religious point of view and finds precise confirmation in a passage by Cassius Dio (55, 18). Thanks to this text by the historian of Nicaea, it is possible to interpret exhaustively the figures of the altar’s front relief, that represents the auspicia for two important events celebrated in 2 BC: the conferment of the title of proconsul on C. Caesar and his wedding to Livilla.

Two limestone blocks from a Roman monument, one of which characterized by an Ionic architrave with two fasciae, were found as reused pieces in an early medieval burial recently excavated near the city of Allifae. Two other similar fragments of architraves, housed in the Museo Civico of Piedimonte Matese (CE), on which is inscribed a dedication to Augustus, are ascribable to the same complex, and may be associated with other architectural elements including two voussoirs and a fragment of a frieze, datable to the first triumviral age, engraved with trophies and weapons. It seems plausible to assign all those items to the façade of the triumviral colony city gates; the dedication to Augustus was added later above the gate overlooking Rome, that was monumentalized after the construction of a paved road from Venafro (and Rome) to Alife given by the princeps.

This article examines in detail a Roman silver cantharus, said to be from ancient Betar, near Jerusalem (Palestine), and attempts to set it in its wider material, social and historical contexts. After consideration of the construction and condition, the scenes are discussed and attention drawn to the Greek elements in the iconography of the scenes of homosexual intercourse, especially the hair, which also provides a guide to the age and status of the figures. The possible impact of the iconography on the users of the cantharus, the status of its purchaser, and its final archaeological context are all touched on. Connections between small-scale vessels in various materials are also noted, especially Arretine pottery. Finally, questions are raised about individual craftsmen and workshops, signing and copying, and even chronology.

This article presents the preliminary results of excavations carried out between 2011 and 2013 among the standing remains of the building commonly identified as the Porticus Aemilia, centrally located in the ancient river harbour of Rome. The common identification of this building as a warehouse has recently been questioned by another school of thought, which contends that it was the Urbs’ Navalia or shipshed. The excavations allow us to conclude that such one-sided interpretations fail to do justice to the archaeological evidence, which suggests instead a highly differentiated history of occupation in the area. Although the original use of the building in the late Republican era remains obscure as yet, we have documented multiple traces of abandonment, collapse, rebuilding and restructuring for the various post-Republican phases. The excavations are particularly revealing with regard to the late first and early 2nd century AD, when parts of the building were restructured to accommodate horrea. The new data constitute the first scientifically excavated evidence of the existence of horrea in the Urbs.

This article deals with tomb no 46 in Thessaloniki (Greece), known as the ‘tomb of Eustorgios’. On the western wall of this painted burial chamber, four persons are illustrated who are mostly interpreted as a family. By comparing this funeral painting with late antique family depictions it should be proved whether the two boys represented are servants instead of the grave owner’s sons – as some scholars already have suggested. Furthermore, the woman Aurelia Prokla who is standing isolated in the north-eastern corner will be discussed.

The iconography and date of the large imperial cameo, which was added recently to the collection of the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, have intrigued scholars in the course of the last two centuries. The interpretation of the scene varied from the victory of emperor Claudius over the Britons in AD 43 to the festivities of emperor Constantine on the occasion of the Vicennalia in AD 325-326. In this article an overview of the most important theories will be given. Where possible, the scene on the cameo will be linked with the known facts about Constantine’s career. It will be argued that the cameo was a senatorial gift to Constantine during the festivities of AD 315-316, the Decennalia, and depicts his victory over Maxentius in AD 312. Chronological incongruities and objections by earlier scholars are explained by a closer look at the hairstyles and headgears, which suggest a reworking of the cameo in AD 324.

This paper offers a response to a new interpretation of the Constantinian cameo, which until recently was kept in Utrecht and is now in Leiden. It focusses attention away from the imperial adults depicted, a man and two women, and onto the cameo’s key figure, a boy, whom the adults frame, and at whom both women point. The boy is wearing a helmet and cuirass, clutching a sword hilt with his left hand and with his right hand acknowledging the viewer.